This new feature of the Holodomor Resource Library is intended to give a brief overview of resources that 1) provide an easily digestable historical background of Ukraine; 2) provide links to resources specifically designed for instructional use in the classroom, 3) provide links to material that specifically address the actions of the ongoing war with a reference to the Holodomor and genocide, supplementing what is already available from the other sections of this website. We will continue to update this page as new resources and recommendations are reviewed and evaluated. This page is NOT intended to be comprehensive – but a selection of what we consider well researched resources designed for students and non-specialists. Read More
We stand with Texas’ Dallas Holocaust and Human Rights Museum’s recent statement that calls upon all Texans to speak out against a requirement to present “opposing views” to events and developments based in well-known historical fact. “Teachers should not be pushed to present myth, opinion, or bias as equal to the historical record.”
(See full statement from the DHHRM below)
Apparently, the new Texan law requires teachers, when discussing widely debated and currently controversial issues…to strive to explore the topic from diverse and contending perspectives without giving deference to any one perspective.”
In answer to this law, one school district administrator recently advised teachers “to offer books with an ‘opposing view’ on the Holocaust if they have a Holocaust-related book in their classroom.”
Clearly, the issue lies in the interpretation and application of this law by local school administrators. In this case, it was interpreted to mean that “historical facts be taught alongside an opposing view.” Who decides what is controversial? Are some educators so limited in their historical knowledge that they don’t know what has been proven as historical fact?
The Holocaust is a well-known and proven fact.
The Holodomor is a proven fact, but not well-known.
We must be especially vigilant that deniers not be given “equal time” to those who give the proven truth. The Holodomor is a well-established event of 20th c European history, with reams of official documentation and thousands of survivor and eyewitness testimonies. Scores of countries and all the major international organizations have officially proclaimed the Holodomor as either a genocide or crime against humanity.
For decades, deniers of the Holodomor have had their say and have been proven wrong. The only deniers now are the ideological descendants and followers of the perpetrators of this monstrous genocide. They have no place of legitimacy against historical fact.
Please take a look at the materials in the Holodomor Resource Library to learn more about the Ukrainian famine genocide.
by Lana Babij
CLICK HERE TO SIGN THE PETITION:
By Oksana Piaseckyj, Guest blogger
Why this Campaign? Why Walter Duranty’s Pulitzer Prize?
Duranty was awarded the Pulitzer Prize in 1932 for a series of thirteen articles that ran in the New York Times in 1931 about the Soviet Union’s economic plans. The articles can be accessed on our Duranty Pulitzer Revocation website page (www.UkraineGenocide.com). Duranty praised Joseph Stalin’s 5 year Plan. He continued in future writings to applaud the regime and deny that people were starving. Because of his prestigious prize, he could mute the writings of those journalists who told the truth, calling it “anti-Soviet propaganda”.
Why does this matter in 2021? Duranty’s famine denial helped the Soviet Union cover up its orchestrated genocide of its own citizens. No one – from the Soviet leadership ranks to actual perpetrators who killed with bullets or confiscated any edible substance from ravished farmers – was ever brought to account for this inhumanity to man. Stripping Duranty of his Pulitzer Prize would be the right thing to do. This act would show the world that a tiny measure of symbolic justice has prevailed for the victims of the Holodomor.
Did he deserve to win the Pulitzer? No. the New York Times knew that Duranty’s dispatches in the early 1930s were filled with Soviet disinformation and his contemporaries knew he was a liar: See Malcolm Muggeridge’s interview in 1983. Gareth Jones and other journalists attempted to write the truth about mass starvation, but they were ridiculed by Walter Duranty, who after receiving the Pulitzer award was considered the authority on Soviet news.
Previous Attempts – Some History
On the 70th anniversary of Holodomor in 2003 a major effort of the Ukrainian diaspora initiated by the Ukrainian Canadian Civil Liberties Association with the support of the US Holodomor Committee and other organizations around the world sought to awaken the Pulitzer Board to its egregious mistake of awarding Walter Duranty a Pulitzer Prize without merit: 45,000 postcards were mailed, articles were written in support. To ignore this widespread outrage was out of the question, so the New York Times hired Columbia University professor, Dr. Mark Von Hagen, to analyze Duranty’s prize winning articles, and give his opinion in the matter. Prof. Von Hagen concluded that Duranty’s reports were “some of the worst journalism ever published”, not worthy of the prestigious prize. The Pulitzer Committee, however, refused to rescind. Avoiding passing judgement on whether Duranty’s writing lived up to the Pulitzer award’s standards for excellence, they concluded with “there was no clear and convincing evidence of deliberate deception.”
We disagree – We call it “deliberate deception” and have “the smoking gun” to prove it. The undeniable evidence is in Duranty’s own words in the “Kliefoth Memorandum”. In June 1931, Duranty admitted to the American diplomat A.W. Kliefoth at the American Embassy in Germany that “in agreement with the New York Times and the Soviet authorities” his official dispatches would always reflect the official opinion of the Soviet regime and not his own. Walter Duranty admitted that he wrote what would please Joseph Stalin. Awarding the Pulitzer to a man who suppressed the truth, negates journalism’s first obligation which is “to the truth.” See the “Kliefoth memorandum,” of 1931.
For further information on the 2003 revocation campaign please refer to: Not Worthy: Walter Duranty’s Pulitzer Prize and the New York Times.
On the 85th anniversary of Holodomor, the US Committee for Ukrainian Holodomor Genocide Awareness (USUHGA), under the leadership of Michael Sawkiw, Jr. formed a subcommittee to develop a campaign aimed at revoking Duranty’s Pulitzer Prize. Oksana Piaseckyj was designated chair with committee members, Maria Flynn and Zina Gutmanis. In 2018 a letter was sent to the Pulitzer Committee Administrator Dana Canedy asking her for a personal meeting with USUHGA. The request was ignored with no response. Telephone calls led only to her assistant, who spoke on her behalf, and said that there was no need for a meeting since the Pulitzer Board stands by its 2003 decision.
In 2019 with the arrival release of the movie “Mr. Jones”, our committee was excited by the amazing opportunity this provided to push further our revocation campaign. At theatres openings throughout the US we would get publicity and have the opportunity to parade with leaflets in front of the venues. And then the pandemic hit and the movie was relegated to home TV screens. Our opportunity for publicity was minimized; but then mostly positive reviews came out discussing the infamous Walter Duranty Pulitzer Prize. The word was out there!
The Duranty campaign continued with Maria Flynn contacting journalists and giving them suggestions in how they could best help us. Oksana Kulynych, member of the USUHGA helped with our pursuit of journalists by writing to schools of journalism, asking them to study and write about ethics in journalism with Walter Duranty’s reporting during the Holodomor as the example of “fake news”. Oksana Piaseckyj was interviewed on the Montreal Canada radio station “Ukrainian Time” to inform the Canadian Ukrainian public about our petition drive.
Our Campaign in 2021 -22 : During Genocide Awareness month in April 2021, we initiated a petition on Change.org to solicit signatures supporting our efforts to revoke Duranty’s prize. The link is: http://chng.it/SGMXXnXb. Our goal is to reach an impressive number of signatures to send to the Pulitzer Board. This drive will continue until we reach this goal.
A video on the Walter Duranty Pulitzer Revocation campaign and our call for Petition support will be available for promotion in November. We continue creating awareness by reaching out to all our Ukrainian organizations asking them to highlight our Petition. The cooperation of Ukrainian youth organizations are is crucial to our endeavors. We will be asking them to utilize our video on mass media. A webinar with the Gareth Jones expert Ray Gamache is planned for October 21 at 7 pm. The link will be forthcoming. Other projects are in the works and will be posted in the near future. For more information please go to www.ukrainegenocide.com and follow us on our FB page: duranty pulitzer revocation campaign .
“…Four to five million died, roughly 15 percent of Soviet Ukraine’s 30 million inhabitants. Even Mao’s 1958–62 Great Leap Forward famine, during which some 36 million Chinese died, was proportionally milder, amounting to 5 percent of China’s total population of about 700 million.” (from: “Demographic Trends in Ukraine: Past, Present, and Future,” by Anatole Romaniuk and Oleksandr Gladun. Population and Development Review, 2015, pp.318-9.)
This website adheres to the population loss estimates derived by demographers who follow professional scientific methodology that is accepted by the international scholarly community and that have been published in peer-reviewed journals in North America and Europe (See selected resources ). There are small variations among these scientifically derived estimates.
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, sensitive Soviet archival sources were off limits, and those dealing with Holodomor losses necessarily made estimates in the absence of necessary data. Diplomats, politicians and journalists in the 1930s ventured estimates of losses that ranged from 1 million to 15 million, usually referring to the USSR as a whole. However, as early as the 1940s, trained demographers from across the globe consistently came up with a range of estimates for Ukraine that are comparable to the estimates published in the last decade. (Трагедія кількісний вимір. Дослідження демографічних втрат ).
A majority of the resources found on the Maps and Demography page of this website are based on or written in collaboration with a team of demographers and historians from the Institute of Demography and Social Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, along with US demographer Dr. Oleh Wolowyna (University of North Carolina) and Dr. Serhii Plokhy, (Director, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute).
Current estimates of Holodomor losses
These population loss statistics for the Holodomor are presented within the following clearly specified parameters:
- famine related deaths of individuals of any ethnicity,
- residing within the borders of Soviet Ukraine,
- during the years 1932-1934,
- above and beyond the normal average death toll for that period.
Within these parameters, an estimated 3.94 million lives were lost (4.5 including the unborn) as a result of the Holodomor famine. The Holodomor-related mortality of Ukrainians living elsewhere in the USSR is currently being studied and reported separately.
Some Key Concerns:
The Ukrainian Institute of Demography and Social Studies team of Ukrainian and American demographers adhere to the following definitions:
- Holodomor losses refer to deaths from famine and related causes.
- Time period: 1932-1934
- Territory: Soviet Ukraine
Some historians argue legitimately for a broader definition, but there is little agreement on scope: some wish to extend the time period or include areas in Soviet Russia that had concentrations of ethnic Ukrainians. Many advocate for inclusion of deaths in remote exile resulting from forced dekulakization. Some data already exist on deaths in the Gulags, and deaths of Ukrainians in territory outside Soviet Ukraine are currently under investigation. These data can eventually be considered as supplementary to currently defined famine statistics for Ukraine.
- But what about the 1939 Soviet census?
Many critics have voiced valid concerns regarding the veracity of the Soviet census of 1939, which is referenced in the work of the Ukrainian Institute demographers. The demographers are of course keenly aware of the problems with that census and went to considerable lengths from the outset to explain why and how they their research to adjust for the various significant falsifications.* In part, they took into account the accurate 1937 census, which was dismissed by the Soviet authorities, who executed or deported its compilers. The data from the 1937 census was discovered in the Soviet archives in the late 1980s. I could add that perhaps the authors should have consistently referred to the “adjusted 1939 census” in order to alleviate concern.
* Rudnytskyi et al.: “The case of massive famine in Ukraine 1932–1933,” 2015. pp. 58, 78-79.; Wolowyna et al.: “Regional variations of 1932–34 famine losses in Ukraine,” 2016.pp.179-80
A number of historians, authors, and organizations cite higher figures based on other estimates, and you will see these sources included among the pages of this website in instances where the historical significance of the resource or other informational value warrant it.
All scientific data, by definition, is subject to review and revision. Also, methodologies evolve. We can expect that there may be some modifications with time. However, demographic data is also limited by biological and other realities that make large deviations unlikely.
It is worth mentioning that recognition of the Holodomor as a genocide does not depend on the number or percentage of deaths. Regardless, the currently accepted scientific data clearly demonstrate: “… the Holodomor as one of the worst man-made famines in human history.”
Two schools of thought exist regarding the “man-made” characteristics of the Holodomor famine: One, that it was “man-made by accident”, promoted by Stephen Wheatcroft and supporters, and the other that it was “man-made on purpose.” The latest work on the unique surge of deaths that occurred in the first half of 1933 by demographers Oleh Wolowyna and Ukraine’s team, (Wolowyna, 2020) provides strong evidence “that such a rapid increase in mortality during a short period could have only happened due to politically motivated decisions that transcend strictly economic factors.*
* Wolowyna, O., Levchuk, N. and Kovbasiuk, A. 2020. “Monthly Distribution of 1933 Famine Losses in Soviet Ukraine and Russian Soviet Republic at the Regional Level.” Nationalities Papers, 2020 p.546.
September 9, 2021
rev. slightly September 16, 2021
‘A Gift To Posterity’: Four Men Who Risked The Wrath Of Stalin To Photograph The Holodomor
(RadioFreeEurope article by Dmytro Dzhulay and Coilin O’Connor, published
If the Bolsheviks had got their way, the story of the Holodomor might never have been told.
Intent on ruthlessly presenting an idealized portrait of the Soviet Union at home and abroad, the U.S.S.R.’s bureaucracy did its utmost to stifle news of the devastating man-made famine orchestrated by Soviet dictator Josef Stalin that killed some 4 million Ukrainians in 1932-33. Communist authorities forced peasants in Ukraine to join collective farms by requisitioning their grain and other food products.
Even when the world finally got wind of what was happening, Moscow relentlessly strived to play down the situation, issuing wholesale denials while making every effort to ensure that photographic evidence of the tragedy was either suppressed or destroyed.
Nonetheless, a handful of photographers managed to defy the Soviet authorities by capturing the horrors of the Holodomor on film.
Some of these images were surreptitiously taken by foreigners, most notably Alexander Wienerberger, James Abbe, and Whiting Williams. Their work was subsequently published in the West and was seen as an important visual corroboration of this human tragedy, which had been brought to wider attention by whistle-blowers such as Gareth Jones and Ewald Ammende.
Other images depicting the impact of the famine were taken by local photographers like Mykola Bokan and remained unseen for many years.
Now, these once-forbidden photos can be viewed online by anyone, thanks to a unique database compiled by researchers.
U.S.-based Lana Babij and her colleagues Anastasia Leshchyshyn and Daria Glazkova at the Toronto office of the Holodomor Research and Education Consortium, a project of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies (CIUS) at the University of Alberta, have put together an extensive directory of some 100 pictures
Displayed together in one place for the first time, these images offer a searing visual account of how famine destroyed the lives of countless Ukrainians.
Given that work on the Holodomor has often been undermined by photos being used as illustrations which have nothing to do with the subject, the researchers have also gone to great lengths to authenticate each image and to provide the story behind every picture published.
In the course of their work, they even uncovered photos that had been lost or forgotten for decades, and some are being published for the first time.
Detailed information on the photographers and their work has also been provided, and their own personal observations of events offer unique insights into the horrors they witnessed.
Alexander Wienerberger (1891–1955)
Alexander Wienerberger’s collection of Holodomor photographs provides perhaps the most vivid and detailed visual evidence of the famine the Soviets tried so hard to hide.
An Austrian chemical engineer who spent almost two decades working in the U.S.S.R., Wienerberger was assigned to manage a plant in Kharkiv in 1932.
Not long after his arrival, the devastating impact of the Holodomor became clearly visible on the city’s streets.
Armed with a small and simple German Leica II camera, he spent months secretly photographing victims of starvation.
With the countryside devastated by collectivization, many of them were peasants who had fled en masse to Kharkiv. which was then the capital of Soviet Ukraine.
They had gone there in hopes of getting work and food, but instead they found only death.
Although Wienerberger lived far from the epicenter of the famine in Ukraine’s rural heartland, his photos provide an idea of the apocalyptic scale of the catastrophe.
Often complemented by darkly ironic and hauntingly evocative descriptions, these images capture the chaos of mass peasant migrations in search of food, desolate groups of homeless children starving on city streets, and emaciated corpses on roadsides.
Wienerberger was deeply moved by the horrors he witnessed, and it’s clear from his writings that he struggled to come to terms with what he saw.
“When picking up the corpses, scenes took place which must freeze the blood of every halfway civilized person,” he wrote. “Dead babies were snatched from the howling mothers, living babies taken from the dried-up breasts of the mute and dead mothers; children screamed and moaned.”
Weinberger’s photos also graphically illustrate the senseless deprivation of life in communist Ukraine in the 1930s, and he often expressed his loathing for the Soviet system, which he described as an “infernal power” that drove “a flourishing country, luxuriating in food of all kinds, into ruin.”
“What Wienerberger captured so vividly — and which perhaps is overlooked even today — is not only the agony of the dying victims, but the nightmarish quality of life at that time,” says Babij. “[It’s] an environment crowded by death, dying, and homelessness — and the residents themselves struggling to survive and make sense of it all.”
Appalled by the brutal indignities of everyday life in Kharkiv, Wienerberger returned to Austria in disgust in 1934, but not before arranging for his photographs to be safely shipped back to Vienna via diplomatic mail.
Upon getting home, he ensured that others got to see what was happening in Ukraine by embarking almost immediately on a series of lectures about his experiences in the Soviet Union. He presented his famine photos at these events and subsequently allowed his images to be used for anti-Bolshevik propaganda.
Wienerberger’s uncredited photos were also used as illustrations by Ewald Ammande in a book he published in an effort to highlight what was happening in Ukraine. He also presented a signed album of his photos to the Roman Catholic archbishop of Vienna, Cardinal Theodor Innitzer, as a gesture of appreciation for his efforts to set up a coordinated response to the Holodomor.
All efforts to raise the alarm fell on deaf ears, however. In the face of blanket Soviet denials, the international community was unwilling to exacerbate an already volatile geopolitical climate, so no outside aid was ever sent to Ukraine.
Wienerberger’s photographs later slipped into obscurity for decades, but they have received renewed attention in recent years. Describing his pictures as “a remarkable gift to posterity,” Babij says her research team has now compiled an extensive selection of his images, many of which “were previously unpublished and unknown.”
James Abbe (1883-1973)
James Abbe was a professional photographer who cut his teeth snapping the stars of theater and the silver screen in the 1920s.
He later became interested in photojournalism and gained recognition for photographing the likes of Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, and Francisco Franco.
In 1932, he scored a coup by wangling permission to photograph a smiling Stalin in Moscow after taking his family to Russia for an extended reporting trip.
During a shoot that ran far beyond the allotted time, he appears to have made a good impression on the Soviet dictator.
One photo from this session was famously used to refute rumors of Stalin’s death, which had been circulating widely at the time.
This may have been the reason why he seems to have been deemed relatively trustworthy by the authorities, which meant he was more easily able to capture authentic scenes of Soviet life while ostensibly cooperating with the local agency Soyuzfoto.
As a foreign photographer working with the permission of the PR-conscious Soviets, Abbe naturally got to see several of the U.S.S.R.’s showcase projects, and even admitted to being impressed by some of the technical achievements he encountered.
“I felt like rushing to the telegraph office and shooting Stalin a wire congratulating him on having successfully industrialized the Soviet Union,” he said after visiting the Dnieper Hydroelectric Station and dam. But he also noted that the hotels he stayed in often had no food, bread, tea, or sugar.
His keen photographer’s eye didn’t miss the squalid conditions of the workers who were constructing these grandiose monuments to Soviet progress, however, and he frequently got into hot water with the authorities for taking pictures of things he wasn’t supposed to.
While being allowed to move around relatively unhindered, Abbe managed to secretly photograph many forbidden topics, such as food queues, the looting of churches, and even the funeral of Stalin’s second wife, who committed suicide.
During his seven-month stay, he first encountered the horrors of the Holodomor when he arrived at a railway station in Kharkiv in the summer of 1932 and was shocked to see the place inundated with hungry people who had fled the countryside in search of work and food. “And this was the Ukraine,” he later wrote of the experience. “The most fertile territory in the entire vast Soviet Union!”
Abbe ended up being arrested shortly afterward for photographing these starving peasants by the railroad tracks. It was not the first or last time he got into trouble with the local authorities, who took a dim view of his journalistic interest in sensitive topics.
The photographer’s ability to move among ordinary Soviet people while socializing easily with the communist elite meant he was also well-placed to record the stark contrasts that existed in what was being sold to the world as a progressive, classless society.
By day, in desolate mining towns, he would encounter throngs of hungry peasants looking for food who “preferred death to working on collective farms under the leadership of the Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Parties.”
By night he often dined lavishly at official functions where “it was impossible to sit down to a meal without facing a table groaning with caviar, roast turkey, chicken, cold fish of every description, pastries, even the rarest of all luxuries: tenderloin steak.”
Eventually, Abbe’s incessant interest in delicate subjects exhausted the Soviets’ patience, and he was ordered to pack his bags and leave after being caught taking unauthorized photos one time too many.
He managed to smuggle his forbidden pictures out of the country, however, by hiding the negatives in his youngest son’s pants.
These photographs later offered people a glimpse of what was really happening in the Soviet Union when Abbe published them in a book titled I Photograph Russia in 1934.
Despite the shocking nature of some of these images, however, they were only brief snapshots of events that did not convey the sheer scale of the tragedy. Abbe himself admitted that he never got the chance to photograph other dreadful sights, such as the mass deportations of peasants to labor camps or the dead bodies he encountered on city streets.
Whiting Williams (1878–1975)
As a journalist and labor relations specialist, it was perhaps inevitable that Whiting Williams’ work would take him to the Soviet Union.
After making a name for himself by pretending to be an ordinary worker and reporting undercover from mines and steel mills in the United States, it wasn’t long before he also traveled to the Donbas in Soviet Ukraine to observe labor conditions there at the start of the U.S.S.R’s first Five-Year Plan in 1928.
Although he was depressed by the bleak lives many Soviet workers were living, his disillusionment turned to outright horror in 1933 when he returned out of curiosity to find out how those he had met five years previously were faring.
“Everywhere, men and women were thinking of one thing, and that thing was bread,” he wrote of the starving people he encountered on the streets of cities or saw lying in ditches.
Despite the attentions of an officious chaperone, who he said “drives me crazy,” Whiting managed to covertly take snapshots of these distressing sights.
He was particularly struck by the hordes of homeless and hungry children he saw everywhere in Ukrainian cities, who he said, “live and die like wild animals.”
Thousands of these children were regularly rounded up by authorities, and Whiting managed to capture visual evidence of one of these raids in Kharkiv.
Writing in his diary later, he recalled how locals told him that they were sometimes not even taken to overcrowded, disease-ridden orphanages, but simply removed from the city and released back into the fields.
“And once, at least,” he wrote, “three wagons filled with youngsters were shunted into a siding and forgotten for three days. When, at the end of that time, someone found them, not one of the children remained alive.”
When he completed his two-week trip to Ukraine, Whiting was haunted by what he saw and felt it was essential to report on what was happening there.
After writing an article with photos intended for publication, he was stunned to find it was rejected by American magazines that had been happy to run his previous stories. At a time when Washington was considering establishing diplomatic relations with Moscow, one editor told him they didn’t want “overdo it” on “unfavorable” stories about the Soviet Union.
Thanks to help from his acquaintance James Abbe, who also encountered stiff resistance trying to get his photos published, Whiting eventually persuaded a British weekly to run his story. This article is now considered by researchers to have been the first photographic evidence of the Ukrainian famine to have been published in the international press.
It didn’t get the response he expected.
According to Babij, Whiting’s explosive report on conditions in Ukraine was “dismissed as sensationalist because so few corroborating accounts had made it into public circulation in the U.S.” At that time, she says, Walter Duranty, The New York Times’ influential correspondent in Moscow, was “echoing” Soviet propaganda — reporting on “the best crop in 50 years!” — while people lay dying on the streets.
Whiting’s contribution to shedding light on what happened in Ukraine has often been overlooked in subsequent decades, and the project researchers hope to rectify this with a detailed collection of his photographs and writings on his life and work.
Mykola Bokan (1881–1942)
While Wienerberger, Abbe, and Whiting are described by Daria Glazkova as “‘outsiders” in that they were “foreigners who observed [the] Holodomor without going through the hardships that the local population experienced,” Mykola Bokan was someone whose own family was severely affected by the famine.
Like many Ukrainians, Bokan and his seven children began going hungry when the situation became especially fraught in 1932.
With nobody able to pay him as a professional photographer, he had nothing to live on.
But he put the tools of his trade to good use by documenting things his family experienced.
One of his most poignant photographs shows them sitting down for a meager meal with the caption “300 days (three hundred!) Without a piece of bread until a miserable dinner.”
The Earth is Blue as an Orange
Thursday, February 13, 2020 at 7PM
Powell Family Cinema
College of Film and the Moving Image, Wesleyan University
Film Screening with Director Iryna Tsilyk and Producer Anna Kapustina
Sundance Best Director World Documentary Cinema Award 2020
Sponsored by Wesleyan University College of Film and the Moving Image, Center for the Arts, Dance Department, Ukrainian Self Reliance New England Federal Credit Union, Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies Program, Fries Center for Global Studies, College of the Environment, Allbritton Center for Public Life.
Ukrainian film “The Earth Is Blue Like an Orange”
Official trailer: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZEjIN33qGS0
Running time of film – 74 min.
To cope with the daily trauma of living in a war-zone, the single mother, Anna and her four children are making a film together about their life in Donbas, Ukraine.
Educational Resources on the Holodomor in Genocide Studies
Newly revised (April 2019) listing of top resources for teaching and learning about the Holodomor, particularly in the context of broader genocide studies.
Set up to print on both sides of a single sheet for use as a reference guide or hand-out.
HREC Educator Award for Holodomor Lesson Plan Development
The Holodomor Research and Education Consortium (HREC) announces its 2019 HREC Educator Award marking the commemoration of the Ukrainian genocide known as the Holodomor. The HREC Educator Award for Holodomor Lesson Plan Development is awarded annually by HREC, a project of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta.Read More